The SARTRE project
was conducted at the beginning of the 90s. Scientist
researchers from the main national Road Safety research
bodies in Europe, co-operated to explore attitudes
and reported behaviour of car drivers in their respective countries,
with help of FERSI and
support from EEC. Representative surveys were carried out in each countries on
the basis of an identical questionnaire with the same methodological
criteria. The rough results have been presented and commented in a former
publication.
Then various authors from the Sartre group conducted in-depth analyses of several
topics. The findings of these analyses are now published. In the first stage,
the study concentrated essentially on comparisons between countries, established
on the basis of each of the questions included in the questionnaire, whereas
in this second stage, the entire network of interrelationships between the answers
to the questions have been examined, in order to bring to light the most significant
tendencies according to which differences or similarities between drivers from
different countries and between various other descriptive categories, opinions
or behavioural indices can be identified. The principle results are expressed
as structures combining dimensions, along which countries, or groups of attitudinal
or behavioural indicators, or even the various types constructed on the basis
of similarities appearing in the answers, are in opposition.
After reviewing the results in terms of the two principles of opposition and
similarity, we will indicate what has been established with respect to the major
road safety concerns, seat belts, speed and alcohol.
We will then look at the influence of the 'fundamental' variables, age
and sex, according to country, on attitudes and behaviour
in the fields of social concern, risk-awareness and high risk criteria. Regional
disparities have also been studied. We will then evoke
the conclusions and recommendations of
the work.
Between drivers of the various countries, the differentiation
is structured along three dimensions. Successively: the degree of strictness
in matters of traffic safety, partly correlated with economic prosperity
of the country, and preferences for certain speed limits. Regarding countermeasures,
if no particular importance is accorded to the country, two
dimensions best differentiate the drivers.
There is first a relationship to authority, along which positions range
from systematic compliance to systematic opposition. Along a second dimension,
attitudes to technics can be distinguished, with a small group of "moderns" opposing
a pole comprised of people for whom technical aspects of driving are
of little interest.
It is possible to condense several clearly differentiated groups of items:
Forms of self-reported behaviour are also in opposition, modes of behaviour range from the most risky or dangerous to the least dangerous or harmless. This classification is modulated from moderate or average forms of behaviour and extreme behaviour. Strong correlation indicate, in the extreme cases, a systematic tendency to take risks or, on the contrary, a systematic avoidance of danger.
In reactions to traffic regulations, grouping together people
of like profile (first
typology) we find following features: self-determination
(35%), conformism (30%), opposition to the seat belt and hostility to
speed limits in towns (12%), out of car-culture (9%), refractoriness
(9%), refusal of speed limits and seat belts (5%).
In road practice, reported behaviour stress following common features: infringements
of speed limits and otherwise high level of observance of the law (30%), systematic
carefulness (27%), systematic infringements (18%), not abiding by the regulations,
but rather careful (17%), high speeding (5.5%), reckless (2.5%).
Oppositions and similarities are also to be found amongst the issues
The wearing of seat belts corresponds
to the degree of restrictiveness of the regulations and attachment to the values
of technics. Attitudes to the seat belt and its use are independent of attitudes
to speed limits and to drink driving. Approval of seat belts is concomitant with
a modern attitude to car technology, whereas reservations about them tend to
be linked with an attitude which can be qualified as out-of-car-culture. Whereas,
on the whole, there is approval of seat belts in Europe, certain reservations
and opposition to them are expressed by drivers from a small number of countries.
In those countries where seat belt regulations are strictest, drivers wear them
more often than do people in other countries.
It is in their preferences for speed limitation that
drivers are most clearly distinguished according to country; attitudes are structured
in relation to legality and also partly to technology. The greatest differences
concern preferences for speed on motorway, lower limit being favoured in some
countries, secondly difference rise about limit in residential areas and thirdly
considering speed as a factor of accident.
Drink or drive; the
question is posed in different ways according to the dominant modes of alcohol
consumption. A modelling of attitudes to drinking and drink-driving leads to
distinguish three types of countries: predominantly wine-producing being also
southern countries, predominantly beer-producing countries more concerned about
accidents, other predominantly beer-producing countries also marked by compliance
to regulations. The measures, taken as a whole, differ according to country and
certain other factors. It can be seen essentially that Swedish drivers are most
favourable to seat belts, Italian drivers less so. Irish and Dutch drivers seem
most likely to approve regulations on alcohol and speed, the Danish, Swiss and
Hungarian less so.
Age and sex, exert
a diversified influence, in relation to country, on risk indices. Women in the
intermediate age groups express the greatest concerns, whereas men as a whole
demonstrate less concern. Women in general seem more aware and better informed,
whereas men under 39 years old are those least conscious of risks.
Some regional disparities within
rather homogeneous national entities. Concerning road safety rules, regions of
the same country do not deviate greatly from the average position, with the notable
exceptions of Italy and Switzerland. The Swiss case reveals a greater similarity
between the Swiss regions than between them and their linguistically similar
foreign neighbours. A general contrast goes between the Anglo-saxon-Scandinavian
world, more in favour of wearing seat belts, more reticent about speed limits,
a higher proportion of drivers do drink, but these drivers more often make efforts
not to drive after drinking (or not to drink before driving), and the Latin world,
less in favour of wearing seat belts, more frequently accepting speed limits
and, if there are fewer drivers who drink, these drivers adapt their driving
behaviour less often to their drinking habits.
Wearing seat belts, compulsory fitting of vehicles,
improved design. Complete fitting and wearing in all seats and all circumstances
has to be made compulsory. Special effort is required in the southern
European countries; reservations expressed by elderly people and women
(probably with children) indicate a need for a more attractive and practical
equipment.
Speed must be limited, its management accepted, especially by the social élite.
The legitimacy of the system for managing speed limits and enforcing them needs
to be increased. Most obstinate drivers must be convinced that speed does indeed
represent a serious risk. Determining speed limits in the context of European
harmonisation generates less controversy.
Measures to be differentiated according to vectors and modes of consumption,
in order to improve attitudes to alcohol and driving. Beyond reduction
of higher legal blood alcohol limits, it seems preferable to act in wine-producing
countries upon modes of alcohol consumption, and in beer-producing countries
by means of regulations and enforcement.
From the answers, new questions emerge. The most tricky problem comes
from the opposition between the attitudes and behaviour of drivers in the North
and of those in the South. Is one faced with a certain organisation of European
civilisation or should one quite simply consider that some countries are more
advanced in the domain of road safety than others? Is what is good for beyond
the polar circle good at the shores of the Mediterranean? Significant consequences
must be drawn for the idea of harmonisation of European road safety policies.
The interest of the two Sartre publications goes far beyond the domain explicitly
explored, attitudes and reported behaviour toward traffic risk and road safety
measures. To day it is almost the unique point of view all over Europe, established
on comparative basis, that exists. It allows other fruitful developments as about
young drivers in Pfafferott, 'Attitudes and reported behaviours of young male
and female drivers in 15 European countries', European Seminar, Köln, '94,
or concerning drink-driving in Biecheler Fretel & Cauzard, 'The incidence
of drink-driving in Europe', IAATM, '95, or about the European car drivers'
population in the previous article. Recommendations could well be given consideration
during the preparation of remedial measures at European as well as national levels.
Results could play the role of benchmarks for policies, provided that a follow-up
of project be run. This is the objective of SARTRE 2 project started in '95.